The Martyrdom of Perpetua and Felicitas
An
Analysis of Some Pertinent Issues
Gregory Johnson • Fall 1998
(Bibliography & Notes follow)
The account of the Martyrdom of Perpetua and Felicitas,
though neglected throughout most of the modern period, has in the past two
decades attracted a renewed scholarly interest, particularly with the rise of
feminist studies. Indeed, of the four
English-language editions published since 1980, three are bound in anthologies
of women writers.[1] This renewed
interest in Perpetua raises a number
of issues worthy of discussion.
The
Authorship and Dating of Perpetua and
Felicitas
The account of the Martyrdom of Perpetua and Felicitas, set
in Carthage, is generally considered by most scholars to be historical. While suggesting that most ancient Christian
accounts of martyrdoms were completely of mostly fabricated, Rosemary Rader
argues that Perpetua's account is grounded in real history. She writes:
Historical
research verifies that most accounts of Christian martyrs are fictional either
wholly or in part. Those partly
fictional originated in a variety of ways, such as official statements of an
actual trial, letters, written or verbal eye-witness reports of the event. These basic particulars were then
embellished any number of times in the form of apologetic and exhortation to be
used for the instruction of those seeking admission to the church. The Martyrdom
of Perpetua, however, is an exception to this rule in that it is written by
two of the martyrs, Perpetua and Saturus, while a redactor supplies the
introduction and conclusion.[2]
Taking
note of the differences in style and content between Perpetua's and Saturus's
descriptions, as well as that of the narrator, most other scholars would seem
to agree with Rader's assessment.[3]
The Martyrdom's twenty-one sections are structured into four divisions
which reflect the multiple authorship of the work. The first two sections comprise an introduction, written by a
redactor, which refers to Perpetua and the other martyrs in the third
person. The last eight sections reflect
similarly the work of a redactor, who narrates the actual martyrdom. Between this introduction and conclusion are
two divisions. The former of these two
central divisions (sections 3-10) purports to be a first person account by
Perpetua. The latter (sections 11-13)
of the two central divisions purports to be a first person account of a vision
by Saturus.
The editor emphasizes that sections
3 through 10 are in Perpetua's own words.
He writes, "Now from this point on the entire account of her ordeal
is her own, according to her own ideas and in the way that she herself wrote it
down."[4] Thus, if
credible, these sections are Perpetua's own diary, which she wrote recounting
her own feelings, worries, convictions and desires while in prison. Similarly, the redactor insists that
sections 11 through 13 are written by Saturus himself. We read, "But the blessed Saturus has
also made known his own vision and he has written it out with his own
hand."[5] And again,
"Such were the remarkable visions of these martyrs, Saturus and Perpetua,
written by themselves."[6]
Rader and Musurillo suggest
Tertullian as a possible identity for the narrator, a suggestion echoed by
others.[7] Looking at
the redactor's vocabulary and style, as well as the context in North Africa and
Tertullian's later Montanism, Tertullian seems a real possibility. But there is no clear indication in the text
itself as to the editor's identity.[8] Still,
C.J.M.J. Van Beek argues that Tertullian was indeed the author.[9] E. Rupprecht
argues that this assertion is unprovable at best and unlikely in any case.[10] David Scholer
suggests that a woman may have edited the text. He writes, "Some unknown editor, very possibly a woman,
edited and published this text."[11] Scholer gives
no indication why a woman is the likely redactor. The question of the redactor's identity would seem to remain open
to speculation.
The martyrdom itself, and hence the
first-person accounts of Perpetua and Saturus, took place under the persecution
of Septimius Severus in 202-3. The
redacted work does not appear to be greatly removed from that period. Evidence leads one to believe that the
popularity of the account spread rapidly, and Tertullian makes use of it. By the fourth century, a basilica at
Carthage was dedicated to the memory of Perpetua.[12] And as early
as the reign of Constantine, the anniversary of the martyrdom of Perpetua and
Felicitas is found in official Roman church calendars.[13]
Later
Christian Accounts of Martyrdom
The account of the martyrdom of
Marian and James, as well as that of Montanus and Lucius, appear at times to
directly mimic Perpetua's account.[14] Numerous
themes present early on in The Martyrdom
of Perpetua and Felicity reappear within later Christian accounts of
martyrdom. An ascent into heaven by way
of a narrow ladder with sharp and dangerous weapons attached to its side, Satan
in the form of both human beings and beasts, the victory branch, angelic
assistance, heaven as a garden, the martyr's scorn of persecutors, and the
celebration of the agape meal—all of
these themes appear not only in Perpetua,
but in later martyrdoms as well.[15] And The Martyrdom of Perpetua itself may
betray influence from earlier literature, possibly the Shepherd of Hermas or the Apocalypse
of Peter, and the Christian view of martyrdom itself may have developed
from an existing Jewish theology of martyrdom.[16]
Relation
to the Acts of Perpetua and Felicitas
One perplexing question is the
relationship between the Martyrdom
(or Passio) of Perpetua and Felicitas and the shorter Acts (or Acta) of Perpetua and Felicitas.[17] The two
accounts differ substantially in both content and language, though they speak
generally of the same events.[18] The Passio is written on a higher literary
level, the Acta being of an inferior
literary quality.[19] While the Passio focuses particularly on Perpetua,
the Acta focus on all of the martyrs,
further emphasizing Perpetua's high social status and her rejection of her past
life.[20] The Acta, for example, omit the vision of
Dinocrates and the vision of Saturus.
Most scholars interpret the Acta
to be a later reworking of the Passio,
and thus being of dubious historical value.
Halporn argues against this conclusion, arguing that it is grounded on
an unwarranted assumption that lower literary quality implies a lack of
historicity.[21]
Is
this a Montanist Text?
The
Martyrdom of Perpetua is loaded with key Montanist themes and
theology. Central to Montanist teaching
was the affirmation that revelatory gifts of the Holy Spirit, particularly that
of prophecy, continue to the present day.
Indeed, Perpetua can be read
on one level as a Montanist apologetic.
The redactor begins Peretua's account thus:
The
deeds recounted about the faith in ancient times were a proof of God's favour
and achieved the spiritual strengthening of men as well; and they were set
forth in writing precisely that honour might be rendered to God and comfort to
men by the recollection of the past through the written word. Should not then more recent examples be set
down that contribute equally to both ends?
For indeed these too will one day become ancient and needful for the
ages to come, even though in our own day they may enjoy less prestige because
of the prior claim of antiquity.[22]
Thus
the opening lines of the account comprise a carefully crafted justification for
the acceptance of the account that follows.
If the deeds of the past strengthen the church and glorify God, the
logic begins, should not more recent accounts do the same? Indeed (apparently without any clear
distinction between canonical and non-canonical accounts—except for age), the
logic progresses, these contemporary accounts will themselves one day be old.
The author takes his reasoning one
step further, however, arguing not merely for the acceptance of new accounts,
but for their preference because of
their newness. He writes:
Let
those then who would restrict the power of the one Spirit to times and seasons
look to this: the more recent events should be considered the greater, being
later than those of old, and this is a consequence of the extraordinary graces
promised for the last stage of time.[23]
And up to this point the author has
argued for the acceptance of new deeds; now he argues specifically for new
prophecies and visions, continuing revelation from the Paraclete. Bolstering his argument with exegetical
support from an Old Latin version of the second chapter of Acts,[24] itself a paraphrase of the prophecy of Joel 2, the
author continues his apologetic:
For in the last days, God declares, I will pour
out my Spirit upon all flesh and their sons and daughters shall prophesy and on
my manservants and my maidservants I will pour my Spirit, and the young men
shall see visions and the old men shall dream dreams. So too we hold in honour and acknowledge not
only new prophecies but new visions as well, according to the promise.[25]
And developing pathos in his argument, the narrator reminds his reader that new
visions and prophecies benefit the Church, strengthening faith, glorifying God
and serving as a testimony to unbelievers.
He writes:
And
we consider all the other functions of the Holy Spirit as intended for the good
of the Church; for the same Spirit has been sent to distribute all his gifts to
all, as the Lord apportions to everyone.
For this reason we deem it imperative to set them forth and to make them
known through the word for the glory of God.
Thus no one weak or despairing faith may think that supernatural grace
was present only among men of ancient times, either in the grace of martyrdom
or of visions, for God always achieves what he promises, as a witness to the
non-believer and a blessing to the faithful.
And
so, my brethren and little children, that which we have heard and have touched
with our hands we proclaim also to you, so that... you... may have fellowship
with the holy martyrs and, through them, with the Lord Christ Jesus, to whom
belong splendour and honour for all ages.
Amen.[26]
This emphasis on continuing direct
revelation from the Holy Spirit can only be understood as Montanist in
inspiration. And what is most
intriguing about Perpetua is that the
editor assumes that recent examples of the Spirit's work are not only as
valuable, but even more valuable than ancient ones. This conviction stands in marked contrast to the Catholic value
placed on antiquity, on apostolicity and even canonicity.[27] The narrator
is aware that the normal practice among Christians is to learn from past
examples, yet commends the reading of contemporary martyrdoms precisely because
they are new. The account has a
Montanist polemical purpose, Perpetua's tale being "no less significant
than the tales of old."[28] The narrative
concludes by citing itself as evidence that the Spirit's work continues:
For
these new manifestations of virtue will bear witness to one and the same Spirit
who still operates, and to God the Father almighty, to his Son Jesus Christ our
Lord, to whom is splendour and immeasurable power for all ages. Amen.[29]
For
The Martyrdom of Perpetua and Felicitas,
the canon for all practical purposes is not closed. the Paraclete continues to speak, just as he continues to give
the grace of martyrdom.
And Perpetua's personal spirituality
betrays a strong sense of direct leading by the Holy Spirit. She writes that she was "inspired by
the Spirit" not to seek anything more than the grace of perseverance.[30] Later, at her
brother's suggestion, Perpetua asks for a vision from the Holy Spirit so that
she may know whether she will be condemned or freed. Indeed, Perpetua could confidently say to her brother, "I
shall tell you tomorrow," so certain was she that she would receive the
vision that very night.[31] Visions
appear in Perpetua's perspective as a normal part of the Christian experience.
And Perpetua's visions themselves
embody Montanist themes. The meal of
cheese followed by the corporate "Amen" reflects the Montanist
practice of using bread and cheese for their "mysteries."[32] And
Perpetua's transformation into a male as well as her leadership among those
imprisoned both embody a Montanist emphasis on the validity of female authority
in the church.
Despite these very Montanist
elements in the account of Perpetua's martyrdom, there is still debate over the
degree to which the work reflects a Montanist affiliation. Particularly nagging is the fact that most
later orthodox authors did reject the martyrdom on account of its Montanist
qualities. Herbert Musurillo expresses
this concern well when he writes:
The
phantasmagoric, and sometimes erotic, imagery, may well represent the kind of
mediumistic phenomena current in the Montanist Church of Africa. However, the Montanist aspect of the work
seems to have escaped the notice of Augustine and many of the early Fathers who
admired its primitive charm and Christian fervour.[33]
Kenneth Steinhauser rejects this
characterization of Augustine as one ignorant of Perpetua's Montanist character. Augustine was neither oblivious nor evasive,
but was acutely aware of the text's Montanist origin. The fact that the Catholic church in North Africa had adopted Montanist
martyrologies and feast days left Augustine without the option of outright
refuting Perpetua, since a martyr had greater authority among the Christians
than did the living—"the martyrs and their stories were sacrosanct."[34] Rather,
Augustine chose to reinterpret Perpetua insofar as he was able.
As an alternative to a Montanist
reading, Rader suggests the possibility that Perpetua had previous involvement
in the cult of Ceres, which was widespread in North Africa, or at least that
her beliefs may have somehow been influenced by the cult. Members of this cult held to a belief in
direct individual communication with the divinity, ongoing prophecy with a
woman's special role as prophetess, prayers for the dead, an emphasis on the
majesty of divinity, and a generally prominent position for women.[35] While the
possibility of a non-Montanist influence on Perpetua could be entertained, it
seems even less likely that Augustine and the Fathers would have overlooked
cultic pagan elements in Perpetua
than Montanist ones! The acceptance of
the account by the Fathers noted, when one considers the sacrosanct nature of
Christian martyrs at the time, it seems indisputable that these prophetic
elements in Perpetua are of Montanist
origin.
Other
Theological Issues Raised by the Text
Beyond the Montanist themes of
prophecy and continuing direct revelation by the Paraclete, a number of
theological convictions are embodied in the account of Perpetua's
martyrdom. Among them:
1.
Suffering after death and prayer
for the dead—The suffering of the dead is seen in Perpetua's vision of her
dead brother Dinocrates, suffering and "coming out of a dark hole, where
there were many others with him, very hot and thirsty, pale and dirty."[36] Perpetua,
despite the boy's sufferings, writes, "But I was confident that I could
help him in his trouble; and I prayed for him every day.... And I prayed for my
brother day and night with tears and sighs that this favour might be granted
me."[37] In her next
vision, Perpetua saw that the boy's afflictions had been relieved and "he
had been delivered from his suffering."[38] Her prayer
for the dead child improved his present situation.
It seems likely that the boy had
died without baptism, since his family was evidently not Christian, he died at
age seven, and is referred to by Perpetua only as a "brother according to
the flesh,"[39] though Augustine rejects this possibility. Vincentius Victor had argued that Dinocrates
was not baptized, yet entered heaven nonetheless, an argument which Augustine
sought to refute, insisting instead that Dinocrates was indeed baptized, making
Perpetua's intercession possible.[40] Both
arguments, however, assume the legitimacy of prayer for the dead as a means of
grace to those not presently in paradise, though Augustine's argument would
limit the efficacy of such prayers to the baptized.
2.
The sovereign power of God—God
is ultimately in control of human events.
This is certainly the conviction that leads Perpetua to say to her
father, "It will all happen in the prisoner's dock as God wills; for you
may be sure that we are not left to ourselves but are all in his power."[41] Indeed, even
when Perpetua's son is taken from her, she testifies to God's sovereign
provision, saying, "But as God willed, the baby had no further desire for
the breast, nor did I suffer any inflammation; and so I was relieved of any
anxiety for my child and of any discomfort in my breasts."[42] Even death is
not an accident, but a call of God.[43] Similarly,
when it was feared that Felicitas might not be martyred with the others due to
her pregnancy, the Christians in prison prayed—"And immediately after the
prayer the birth pains came upon her."[44] Indeed, it is
not merely that God permits events to happen as they do; rather, in his
permission God wills them to be so. The
redactor writes, "since the Holy Spirit has permitted the story of this
contest to be written down... [he] by so permitting has willed it."[45]
3.
A personal devil who is the
martyr's adversary—Satan seeks to destroy the martyr, and is able to take
on the body either of a beast or a man.
Still, in her first vision, the dragon is afraid of Perpetua, and
Perpetua uses the dragon's head as her first step.[46] In her final
vision, Perpetua steps on the gladiator's head, implying his identity as a tool
of Satan. Indeed, Perpetua writes,
"I realized that it was not with wild animals that I would fight but with
the Devil, but I knew that I would win the victory."[47] The narrator,
mentioning that Perpetua was singing a psalm as she entered the arena to die,
states that "she was already treading on the Egyptian."[48] And the
gladiator who finally cuts the martyrs' throats is himself identified as
"the unclean spirit."[49]
4.
The personal presence of Jesus
Christ inside the martyr—This presence of Christ within the martyr is seen
when Felicitas answers the jailer who mocks her as she is in the pains of
labor, who said, "You suffer so much now—what will you do when you are
tossed to the beasts? Little did you
think of them when you refused to sacrifice." To this taunt Felicitas responds, "What I am suffering
now... I suffer by myself. But then
another will be inside me who will suffer for me, just as I shall be suffering
for him."[50] Jesus will be
present within Felicitas in the arena.
Indeed, even earlier the jailer Pudens had realized "that we
possessed some great power within us."[51]
5.
Martyrdom as a "second
baptism"—At one key point, the narrator identifies the martyrdom of
Felicitas as a second baptism. Of their
procession to the amphitheater, he writes:
With
[Perpetua and Saturus] also was Felicitas, glad that she had safely given birth
so that now she could fight the beasts, going from one blood bath to another,
from the midwife to the gladiator, ready to wash after childbirth in a second
baptism.[52]
Similarly, the death of Saturus is
described as a second baptism, the mob roaring, "Well washed! Well washed!" The narrator notes, "For well washed indeed was one who was
bathed in this manner."[53] This belief
in martyrdom as a second baptism is also found in Tertullian, though it was
likely not commonplace until after the Decian persecution, around 250.[54]
6.
Individual responsibility for
following the path of salvation.
Salvation in Perpetua is
pictured in decidedly non-corporate images.
In her first vision, Perpetua sees a narrow ladder reaching to heaven, a
latter so narrow that only one person can climb it at a time.[55] Indeed,
weapons on either side and a dragon beneath serve as a warning to the
individual to not pursue salvation "carelessly or without paying
attention."[56] Each
individual is responsible for attaining eternal life.
7.
Eternal life as the destiny of the
martyr—Even in her first vision, Perpetua sees that both she and Saturus
would reach the top of the latter.[57] At the top of
the latter was the garden of paradise.
Beyond death lies a branch of victory and the Gate of Life.[58] The vision of
Saturus illustrates the martyr's heavenly destiny well. He sees himself and Perpetua being carried
toward the east by four angels, "and when we were free of the world, we
first saw an intense light."[59] This was the
blessing the Lord had promised. They
see a garden and expectant angels who greet them. This was the home of the martyrs who had gone before Saturus and
Perpetua. Saturus continues:
Then
the four angels that were carrying us grew fearful and set us down. Then we walked across to an open area by way
of a broad road, and there we met Jucundus, Saturninus, and Artaxius, who were
burnt alive in the same persecution, together with Quintus who had actually
died as a martyr in prison. We asked
them where they had been. And the other
angels said to us: "First come and enter and greet the Lord."[60]
The
vision continues with Perpetua and Saturus visiting the throne room of God and
counseling their bishop and presbyter at the gates.
Still, heaven was populated by more
than merely martyrs. Saturus concludes
his account, writing, "And there we began to recognize many of our
brethren, martyrs among them. All of us
were sustained by a most delicious odour that seemed to satisfy us. And then I woke happy."[61] Indeed, the
certainty of eternal life was the fountain from which the martyrs' joy sprang
forth. We read:
The
day of their victory [death] dawned, and they marched from the prison to the
amphitheatre joyfully as though they were going to heaven, with calm faces,
trembling, if at all, with joy rather than fear. Perpetua went along with shining countenance and calm step, as
the beloved of God, as a wife of Christ, putting down everyone's stare by her
own intense gaze.[62]
Thus
the day of martyrdom is pictured as a time of joy in the certainty of life
rather than of sorrow in the certainty of death. Even while in the process of dying, Perpetua requests a pin for
her hair, lest her unkempt hair make her appear to be mourning "in her hour
of triumph."[63]
Indeed, even in this life, the
martyr cannot be defeated. The martyrs,
so great was their faith, could not be slain without their own
permission—Saturus by a leopard, and all of them walking to the executioner's
sword "of their own accord," Perpetua even taking the hand of the
young gladiator and guiding it to her throat.
"It was as though so great a woman, feared as she was by the
unclean spirit, could not be dispatched unless she herself were willing."[64]
8.
The certainty of God's vengeance—The
coming judgment of God was integral to the martyr's Christianity. On the day of their last meal, the martyrs
spoke to the mob "with the same steadfastness" and "warned them
of God's judgment."[65] As they
entered the arena on the day of execution, we read:
Revocatus,
Saturninus, and Saturus began to warn the onlooking mob. Then when they came within sight of
Hilarianus, they suggested by their motions and gestures: "You have condemned us, but God will
condemn you" was what they were saying.
At
this the crowds became enraged and demanded that they be scourged before a line
of gladiators. And they rejoiced at
this because they had obtained a share in the Lord's sufferings.[66]
The
martyr's religion may have been non-violent, but it was not tolerant in the
modern sense of the term. They held
back from vengeance, but because they were confident that vengeance was the
Lord's and that he would certainly repay.
9.
The renunciation of a way of life—All
the reader is told of Perpetua before her encounter with Roman authorities is
that she was a young married woman, part of a good family, and of good
upbringing. Yet as Joyce Salisbury
remarks in her recent monograph Perpetua's
Passion, a traditional Roman woman's life centered upon these things, along
with the gods. "As a traditional
Roman girl, she learned early on that the center of her world was family, home,
and the spirits who guarded them."[67]
With this understanding, Perpetua's
martyrdom was not merely a choice to die for Christ, but furthermore a
rejection of her entire world. Perpetua
rejects the protection of the gods, identifying herself as a Christian before
the magistrate Hilarianus and refusing to offer sacrifice for the emperors.[68] She says to
her pagan father, inciting his anger, "I cannot be called anything other
than what I am, a Christian."[69] Perpetua
rejects the call of her family and home, giving up her child and disobeying her
father.[70] She expresses
deep sorrow over the grief she is causing her father, but still must renounce
obedience to him for the sake of following Christ.[71] Family, home,
and the spirits that protected them—the Martyrdom
of Perpetua and Felicitas is an account of the rejection of an entire
world. Identification with Christ must
be the believer's primary identity, whatever the cost. To follow Jesus requires the renunciation of
the former way of life.
The
Question of Gender
Rosemary Rader notes that The Martyrdom of Perpetua and Felicitas
is the earliest surviving work written by a Christian woman. She writes:
Equally
rare is the fact that the central, most informative sections of the document
are, in all probability, written by a woman.
This distinguishes it as the earliest extant Christian literature
written from a feminine viewpoint, a varitable rara avis among the male depictions of women in past history.[72]
The
story clearly embodies a woman's perspective, filled as it is with concerns
such as child-bearing, nursing, emotions and a woman's family relationships.
And the account of Perpetua has
drawn much attention from feminist scholarship, not only on account of
Perpetua's authority as a woman leader among the Christians, but particularly
because of her fourth vision of becoming a man in the midst of gladiatorial
combat.[73] Some feminist
authors view Perpetua's becoming a man as a capitulation to misogyny and
sexism, therefore rejecting Perpetua as a model for twentieth century
feminists.[74] Most,
however, see Perpetua's transformation as a positive thing. Indeed, the story of Perpetua becomes one of
a woman overcoming the gender-based limiting factors within her culture.[75]
When Perpetua's son is taken from
her, she miraculously overcomes the limitations of motherhood, as the baby no
longer wants to feed from her and as her breasts are free from discomfort. Without the concerns of motherhood as
defined by the culture of antiquity, Perpetua is free to become an empowered
leader.[76] Perpetua's
statement in her vision "And I was a man" is thus not a put-down on
women, but a woman's transcending the limitations of her culture's engendered
discourse.[77] As Scholer
writes, "She has now transcended her traditional female sexual role and is
now able to play the role of an empowered martyred leader in the church."[78]
Still, Rader is one scholar who at
times secularizes the story of Perpetua as a narrative, not so much of
obedience to God through the Holy Spirit, but a narrative of "protest and
liberation." Of Perpetua's
account, Rader writes:
It
vividly portrays Perpetua's conscientious objections to certain restrictive
elements within third-century Carthaginian society, and symbolically suggests
that her liberation from these restrictions was accomplished through a
transcending of the expectations placed upon her female sexuality. It is these two recurring themes, protest
and liberation, which explain the idealism prompting Perpetua to make the
choices she did....[79]
Were the themes of social protest
and a gender-transcending liberation really Perpetua's motive behind her choice
to die? Rader's construction of a
narrative of protest and liberation at this point may seem to embody more of
Rader's feminist faith than Perpetua's Christian one. While I am not at this point arguing that the two are
incompatible, it seems as though Perpetua
gives less legitimate grist for the feminist mill than Rader would suggest, her
primary motive being a theological and Christian desire to identify with Christ
in his sufferings. Still, one cannot but
be thankful for the renewed scholarly attention feminist scholarship has
brought to The Martyrdom of Perpetua and
Felicitas at the close of the modern era.
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